Informalization of Working Relation : The Other Side of Indonesia Palm Oil Plantation Labor Conditions

Oil palm is one of the flagship commodities currently on the rise due to the sharply increasing demand. The government has issued various policies supporting the development of palm oil industry to increase investment in the sector. The government’s great attention to the sector has neglected the development of agriculture. This, in turn, has marginalized people’s food farming with regard to access to capital, facilities/infrastructure and production facilities.

The expansion of oil palm plantation in Indonesia currently has reached 14.5 million[1]. Trend expansion of oil palm plantations now moving the region of Sulawesi, Kalimantan and Papua. A number of local governments in Indonesia have proposed about 20 million hectares of land in their area oil palm expansion.

Expansive growth of oil palm plantations is very high as compared to 1980 where the vast oil palm plantations just 294.560 hectares. The growth of oil palm plantations is not independent of the policy of non-oil exports early 1980 that the government was encouraging the export of non-oil commodities including palm oil

The direct impact of the presence of oil palm plantations is the rise of employment. Employment in the plantation sector and the oil industry generate a large enough number compared with other industries. Beyond that, there are groups of people who are directly or indirectly dependent on oil palm plantations. According to KADIN (Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry), oil palm plantations in Indonesia has absorbed 21 million workers either work directly or indirectly2.

Sawit Watch’s research showed that out of 10 million plantation labor, mostly 70% of them, did not have job security. The number of plantation workers will be increased given the rapid pace of expansion of oil especially in eastern Indonesia.They did not have job certainty (they were contracted labor or casual labor). CPO production is characterized by a tendency enactment of hiring workers without job security. The absence of assurance of this work can be seen from casual workers, home-based workers, contract workers, employment engagement are unclear and undocumented workers.

There are two important things related to the expansion of oil palm plantations. First, how the marginalization of farmers because they become landless and forced to sell their strength to the plantation. Second, the informalisation of labor, a condition where the engagement of workers working without clear work, forced to engage his family especially his wife and children have to work to pursue employment targets, but the energy that they spend is not paid by the company.

From research conducted by Sawit Watch revealed indications of forced labor workers in oil palm plantations in Indonesia. Labour suffered mistreatment, low wages, high work targets, fines, pressure and intimidation for establishing the union, lack of working tools and personal protective equipment that is decent, the lack of clean water and health facilities and the use of child labor. Conditions palm plantation workers are compounded by the tendency of informalisation of labor relations.

Informalisation of labor relations on the one hand provides a great advantage for the plantations but on the other hand eliminates guarantees job security for workers. Informalisation of labor relations is finally getting discouraging labor income for workers must provide their own work tools and personal protective equipment, allocating expenses medical examination as a result of the absence of formal working relationship with the plantation. The forms of informalisation of labor relations can be seen from the use of casual workers, contract workers, home-based workers and involving children and wives to work.

The amount of power the plantation  and the lack of state policy in favor of workers putting workers in a position of helplessness. Various forms of violation of the rights of workers show palm oil companies still view as an object of exploitation of workers in order to generate maximum profits. The practice of labor exploitation that occurred today in oil palm plantations, similar to the practice of "Koeli Contract “ in the colonial times.

Plantation management applies a work and wage system based on a forced labor system by imposing three bases (7-hour work, production basis and estate size) as the basis of wage determination, which is all determined unilaterally by the management. The imposition of the system makes it difficult for labor to meet the work target. As a result, labor often get unilateral sanctioned, which is converted into reduction of wage.

Plantation labor is different from urban industrial labor, who are more open and enjoy access to information as well as high horizontal and vertical social mobility. Plantation labor has many limitations. They are the group with the lowest status in plantation communities, and has nearly “closed” social mobility as they are relatively isolated (excluded from the companies’ management structure and are separated from the civil society organizations around them).

The identity of plantation labor is fragmented in a subjective structure that makes it almost impossible for them to unite their interests. This is due to the fact that the social reality of plantation labor is influenced by their situational experience such as limited ”social room” to discuss their social structures, as well as limited social capital such as limited education, limited economy and the law that provide no protection of their interests.

Violation of employer-employee relations frequently happens in oil palm estates in North Sumatera. Long before Labor Law 13/2003 was enacted, contracted work was commonly practiced in oil palm estates. Since 1970 there has been limitation of permanent labor recruitment and optimization of casual labor. The strategy used by companies to maximize profit is limiting permanent labor at management level, and maximizing casual labor at field level.

In plantations, the use of workers without job security  is a massive place in the work of spraying and fertilizing, and the majority are women. Some plantations are indicated to practice this pattern such as PT LNK at North Sumatra, PT HMBP at Central Kalimantan, PT SLM at Central Kalimantan, PT HHM and PT MM at East Kalimantan, PT Mamuang at West Sulawesi3.

The heavy burden and work target labor has to face often force them to involved their wife and children to help them at work. As such, the wife’s or children’s wage and work risks are the responsibility of the respective workers. On the other hand, “light” work such as spraying and fertilizing often engages women and child labor with little care for the high risk (contaminated by chemicals given lack of protective equipment). This means that there is a discrimination against women and child labor, neglecting the risk of chemical contamination. When not helping the husbands, wives usually become casual labor, whose income is far lower than permanent workers.

In addition, after helping the husbands with the work, wives still have to finish domestic chores and think hard how to make ends meet with such low incomes. Thus, women play a double role inside and outside their households while children are susceptible to non-fulfillment of their basic needs. This is often exacerbated by the management, in that women are susceptible to discrimination and sexual harassment by the plantation foremen and their assistants.     

Excluding labor relations, protection of the safety and health of plantation workers felt inadequate. The use of toxic and hazardous materials in the production process, weak law enforcement and lack of supervision, and lack of protection of safety took place without any significant breakthrough in improving the working conditions for workers. An important finding indicates areas of work are most prone to the risk of accidents is labor harvester parts, parts of pest spraying and fertilizing4.

Forms of workplace accidents in plantations, especially oil palm plantations are affected fronds and fruit for the harvester, exposed to gramoxone, glyphosate and inhalation of toxic pesticides, fungicides and insecticides, especially work related to spraying and fertilizer for workers exposed to muck. The work accident impact on the risk of limb defects such as nearsightedness or a blind eye to the sprayers, skin irritation and severe injuries for harvester. The lack of protection of the safety and health of plantation workers can be seen from the personal protective equipment that does not meet the standards, health facilities (clinic plantation) inadequate means of shuttle workers inadequate and bureaucratic health care procedures.

Although Indonesia has ratified several ILO conventions, as can be seen in Indonesia’s labor regulations, labor policies still do not provide protection of labor’s basic rights such as job security, social security, health insurance and work safety. The condition is best reflected in outsourcing practices legalized in Law No. 13 on Labor, which does not improve labor’s rights at all. Labor-related dispute settlement regulated in Law No. 4 of 2004 on Industrial Relations Dispute Settlement places labor in a weak position with minimum state’s protection against the capital power. Similarly, the RSPO’s Principle and Criteria, notably Principle 6 on labor, pays little attention to labor as indicated by absence of RSPO’s adequate respond to its members that violate the principle.

Informalisation of labor relations were marked by massive casual workers, home-based workers, contract workers, employment engagements vague, undocumented workers constitute a violation of the guarantee of job security. Informalisation of labor raises the issue of worker protection, not only in terms of protection of wages, but also job security, health and other basic rights. Internaational Labor Organizatio (ILO) defines these workers as workers who are not protected socially. Informalisation of labor relations should be discontinued. Informalisation of labor relations that has perpetuated the practice of slavery in the oil palm plantation. The government should ensure that all workers documented in accordance with the legislation.

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[1] Sawit Watch, 2015

2 www.neraca.co.ic?article/46536/perkebunan-sawit-serap-21-juta-tenaga-kerja

3 Sawit watch Investigation 2014-2015

4 Sawit Watch and Amnesty International in 2015 conducted research about the conditions of workers in the oil palm plantation 2 oil palm plantations in Central Kalimantan. The study found two women workers who suffered illnesses related to the respiratory tract and 3 women workers exposed to fluid Gramoxone and Glyphosate resulted in myopic eyes and threatened the blind.

Problematika Buruh Perkebunan Sawit Di Indonesia

Kehadiran perkebunan kelapa sawit skala besar di Indonesia telah mendatangkan keuntungan besar bagi negara. Data Kementerian Perdagangan Republik Indonesia 2012, menunjukkan bahwa industri kelapa sawit adalah penyumbang devisa kedua terbesar setelah sektor minyak dan gas. Devisa negara yang dihasilkan adalah sebesar USD 21 miliar atau sekitar Rp 205 triliun. Penghasilan devisa tersebut setara dengan 13,7 persen dari ekspor non-migas Indonesia, yang besarnya mencapai USD 153 miliar. McKinsey memprediksi Indonesia akan melampaui Jerman dan Inggris pada 2030, dengan pendapatan sebesar USD 1,8 triliun yang disumbang oleh sektor agri bisnis, konsumsi dan perusahaan energi.

Luas perkebunan kepala sawit di Indonesia saat ini sudah mencapai 14,3 juta hektar dengan 30 % diantaranya dimiliki petani, pertumbuhan luas perkebunan kelapa sawit ini sangat tinggi bila dibandingkan pada tahun 1980 dimana luas perkebunan kepala sawit hanya 294.560 hektar. Pertumbuhan perkebunan sawit  ini tidak terlepas dari kebijakan ekspor non migas awal tahun 1980-an dimana pemerintah saat itu mendorong ekspor komoditas non migas termasuk kelapa sawit.

Dampak langsung dari kehadiran perkebunan sawit adalah munculnya kesempatan kerja. Penyerapan tenaga kerja pada sektor perkebunan dan industri sawit menghasilkan angka yang cukup besar dibandingkan dengan industri lainnya. Diluar itu, terdapat  kelompok masyarakat yang  langsung maupun tidak langsung tergantung pada perkebunan kelapa sawit. Menurut KADIN, perkebunan kelapa sawit di Indonesia telah menyerap 21 juta orang tenaga kerja baik yang bekerja secara langsung maupun tidak langsung. Sawit Watch memprediksi jumlah buruh yang bekerja di perkebunan sawit sudah mencapai 10,4 juta orang dimana 70 % dari buruh tersebut berstatus sebagai buruh harian lepas. Jutaan buruh tersebut bekerja di perkebunan sawit lama di Sumatera dan wilayah perkebunan sawit baru di Kalimantan, Sulawesi dan Papua. Jumlah buruh perkebunan akan semakin meningkat mengingat pesatnya laju ekspansi sawit terutama di wilayah timur Indonesia.

Konsumsi dunia akan CPO pada tahun 2004 masih 30 juta ton. Konsumsi ini diperkirakan akan mencapai 50 juta ton pada tahun 2030. Sejak tahun 2000 luas perkebunan sawit semakin meningkat. Hal ini dipicu oleh meningkatnya kebutuhan atas sawit, baik sebagai kebutuhan manusia, pakan hewan, hingga bahan bakar (agrofuel) secara global disatu sisi, dan  semakin langkanya minyak fosil disisi lain. Saat ini pemerintah Indonesia sedang sibuk mempromosikan penggunaan bahan bakar bio solar yang bersumber dari minyak sawit. RSPO memperkirakan keperluan pembukaan kebun baru mencapai 4-6 juta hektar untuk sektor minyak nabati dan non-biofuel. Indonesia sendiri telah menargetkan produksi CPO sampai 40 juta ton /tahun pada tahun 2020. Untuk tahun 2015, produksi CPO Indonesia mencapai 33 juta ton.  Dari jumlah itu hanya 10,8 juta ton untuk konsumsi domestik, sisanya diekspor. 

Terdapat dua hal penting terkait ekspansi perkebunan sawit. Pertama, bagaimana marginalisasi petani karena mereka menjadi petani tak bertanah dan dipaksa untuk menjual tenaga mereka ke perkebunan. Kedua, informalisasi tenaga kerja, suatu kondisi dimana buruh bekerja tanpa perikatan kerja yang jelas, dipaksa untuk mengikutsertakan keluarganya terutama isteri dan anak-anaknya harus bekerja untuk mengejar target kerja, tetapi tenaga yang mereka keluarkan tidak dibayar oleh perusahaan.

Dari penelitian yang dilakukan Sawit Watch terungkap adanya praktek mirip kerja paksa di perkebunan sawit di Indonesia. Buruh mengalami perlakuan buruk, upah murah, target kerja tinggi, pemberlakuan denda, tekanan dan intimidasi karena mendirikan serikat, ketiadaan alat kerja, dan alat pelindung diri yang layak, minimnya fasilitas air bersih dan kesehatan, penggunaan buruh anak dan penempatan buruh di barak khusus dengan pengawasan ketat.

Kondisi buruh perkebunan sawit semakin diperparah dengan kecenderungan informalisasi hubungan kerja. Informalisasi hubungan kerja disatu sisi memberikan keuntungan yang besar bagi perkebunan namun disisi lain menghilangkan jaminan kepastian kerja bagi buruh. Informalisasi hubungan kerja ini mengecilkan pendapatan buruh karena buruh harus menyediakan sendiri alat kerja dan alat pelindung diri, mengalokasikan sendiri biaya pemeriksaan kesehatan sebagai akibat ketiadaan hubungan kerja formal (perikatan kerja) dengan perkebunan. Bentuk-bentuk informalisasi hubungan kerja ini dapat dilihat dari penggunaan buruh harian lepas, buruh kontrak, buruh borongan maupun pelibatan anak dan isteri untuk bekerja.

Jenis pekerjaan yang dilakukan oleh buruh kategori ini sama dengan buruh permanen, namun sistem kerja dan pengupahannya berbeda. Buruh kategori ini tidak memiliki dokumentasi perikatan kerja dan kepastian peningkataan status. Selain itu, upah yang diterima ditetapkan berdasarkan pencapaian target kerja dan tanpa perlindungan jaminan kesehatan (BPJS).

Informalisasi hubungan kerja yang ditandai dengan massifnya BHL, buruh borongan, buruh kontrak, perikatan kerja yang tak jelas, buruh tak terdokumentasi merupakan pelanggaran atas jaminan kepastian kerja. Informalisasi buruh memunculkan persoalan perlindungan buruh, tidak saja dalam hal perlindungan upah, tetapi juga jaminan kerja, kesehatan dan hak-hak normatif lainnya. ILO mendefenisikan buruh-buruh tersebut sebagai pekerja yang tidak dilindungi secara sosial.

Diluar masalah hubungan kerja, perlindungan terhadap keselamatan dan kesehatan kerja buruh perkebunan dirasakan tidak memadai. Penggunaan bahan beracun dan berbahaya dalam proses produksi, lemahnya penegakan hukum dan kurangnya pengawasan, serta minimnya perlindungan terhadap keselamatan kerja berlangsung tanpa ada terobosan yang berarti didalam memperbaiki kondisi kerja bagi buruh. Temuan penting menunjukkan bidang kerja yang paling rentan terhadap resiko kecelakaan  adalah buruh bagian pemanen, bagian penyemprotan hama dan pemupukan.

Bentuk kecelakaan kerja di perkebunan, khususnya perkebunan sawit adalah tertimpa pelepah dan buah bagi buruh pemanen, terkena percikan gramoxone, glifosat dan terhirup racun pestisida, fungisida dan insektisida terutama pekerjaan yang berhubungan dengan penyemprotan dan terkena paparan pupuk bagi buruh pemupuk. Kecelakaan kerja tersebut berdampak pada resiko cacat anggota tubuh seperti mata rabun atau buta bagi penyemprot, iritasi kulit dan luka berat bagi buruh pemanen. Minimnya perlindungan terhadap keselamatan dan kesehatan kerja buruh perkebunan dapat dilihat dari alat pelindung diri yang tidak memenuhi standar, fasilitas kesehatan (poliklinik perkebunan) yang tidak memadai, sarana antar-jemput buruh yang tidak layak dan birokratisnya prosedur pelayanan kesehatan.

Terdapat berbagai prinsip, kesepahaman, panduan terkait dengan peningkatan kondisi buruh perkebunan seperti Kovensi ILO, Prinsip Kriteria Indikator RSPO, Panduan OECD dan UN Global Compact. Namun harus disadari bahwa prinsip tersebut masih dalam konteks kesukarelaan, tanpa ada sanksi legal bagi pelanggaran. Dalam intepretasi nasional Prinsip Kriteria dan Indikator RSPO yang dilaksanakan pada September 2014, hampir tidak ada perubahan yang berarti terkait dengan perbaikan kondisi buruh perkebunan sawit. Perkebunan sawit sebagaimana draf intepretasi nasional tersebut tetap melegalkan penggunaan buruh kontrak dan pengupahan berbasis sistem pengupahan buruh manufaktur. Selain itu, penyediaan perumahan layak, persediaan air, kebutuhan medis, pendidikan  dan fasilitas yang diperlukan buruh dimasukkan dalam indikator minor (dianggap tidak penting).

Pemerintah Indonesia perlu memastikan bagaimana praktek kerja di setiap jenis hubungan kerja berjalan dengan baik. Untuk itu, adanya sistem monitoring dan evaluasi kepatuhan korporasi perkebunan sawit di sektor perburuhan yang melibatkan pemerintah lokal (dinas tenaga kerja) merupakan hal yang sangat penting. Adanya regulasi yang khusus mengatur hubungan kerja korporasi dengan buruh di perkebunan sawit juga menjadi hal yang tak bisa dikesampingkan.

Disisi lain, keberadaan organisasi rakyat yang terkena dampak kehadiran perkebunan sawit merupakan suatu keharusan untuk mengimbangi besarnya kekuasaan perkebunan. Dalam konteks buruh, serikat buruh merupakan elemen sangat penting dalam rangka memperjuangkan kesejahteraan buruh. Bagaimana kemudian kesejahteraan buruh perkebunan sawit tidak lagi menjadi “milik” NGO semata, tetapi menjadi tujuan perjuangan buruh yang dipresentasikan dalam sebuah serikat. 

 *Dimuat di Medan Bisnis 11 April 2015